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There is a better way to stop bank failures
Tuesday 24 June 2008 10:06AM
If public agencies are to supervise seriously the strategies of high
street and investment banks, we might as well nationalise them.

The proposal is entertained only because everyone knows it is not really serious.
Stuff
happens. People make mistakes, parts go wrong, unexpected things crop
up. When disaster ensues, politicians, journalists and savants blame
the blunderers, the component manufacturers and the perversity of fate.
But good systems, whether in engineering, in management or in
regulation, are robust. When those that rely on infallibility break
down, the fault lies with the structure – not the individuals, the
parts or the gods.
Richard Bookstaber’s fine book on modern financial innovation, A Demon
of Our Own Design, distinguishes loosely and tightly coupled systems.
The postal service is a complex network, but individual failures are
contained and have no consequences for the integrity of the whole.
Aircraft are safe because every critical element has a back-up. But the
indicators of reactor core temperature at Three Mile Island were
designed to give readings only within the planned operating range;
neither the control room nor the instrumentation, Bookstaber explains,
was designed with emergency operation in mind.
It seems absurd to design a monitoring or regulatory system on the
premise of normality, but that is what we routinely do. Our systems are
tested on data from periods of stability and our inspections confirm
that everything functions as we intended. Northern Rock did not fail
because the Financial Services Authority did not maintain adequate
minutes, or because the tripartite authorities did not keep each other
informed. It failed because the control room had not been designed with
emergency operation in mind. The problems could, of course, have been
defused at any time by the public authorities writing out a
sufficiently large cheque – as they eventually did for Northern Rock,
and as the Federal Reserve did much more promptly for Bear Stearns.
Many social and economic problems can be ameliorated by the prompt
disbursement of $30bn, although it is difficult to see why protecting
the counterparty exposures of large financial institutions comes near
the top of the list of priorities.
In a column last September, I made three proposals that would have led
to the better handling of Northern Rock. Adequate deposit protection
would have given an immediate assurance that no small saver would lose
money, and ended the run. A special administration scheme would have
given adequate power to deal with a failing bank. The government plans
to implement both these measures. It should also act on a third
proposal: that the Financial Services Compensation scheme becomes a
preferred creditor in any liquidation.
Banks traditionally borrowed short from the public and lent long to
business. The growth of innovative intermediation severed the link
between borrower and lender. The outcome has been to make retail
depositors less safe, not more, as their deposits have become
collateral for proprietary trading. In an ideal world, retail deposits
would be backed by genuinely first-class and liquid assets. Competition
in the retail market would then be on the basis of relative
effectiveness in the collection and processing of deposits. It is
ironic that Northern Rock’s efficient administration is being wound
down owing to losses in different activities.
To impose that ideal through regulation would be intrusive – and also
unnecessary. The preferential status of retail deposits would ensure
that if deposits were not supported by government or similar quality
obligations, wholesale lenders would be at risk for any shortfall. Such
a structure is probably the only realistic regulatory intervention that
would have prevented the Northern Rock fiasco. If both securitised
mortgages and the retail deposit base had been ring-fenced, the
residual balance sheet would have been insufficient to support the
bank’s risky expansion.
This proposal amounts to the privatisation of banking regulation. If
public agencies are to supervise seriously the strategies of high
street and investment banks, we might as well nationalise them; the
proposal is entertained only because everyone knows it is not really
serious. Such supervision will continue to be an exercise in
box-ticking, analogous to confirming that today the reactor temperature
was within the normal range, and equally helpless when, one day, it is
not.
John Kay
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